WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court voted Friday to hear a potentially far-reaching claim of religious freedom and decide whether church-sponsored charities, programs and businesses may refuse to pay state unemployment taxes for their employees. All states exempt churches and church programs from the taxes if they "operate primarily for religious purposes." But they usually require affiliated schools, colleges, hospitals and other businesses to pay unemployment taxes if they are open to all and do not offer worship services or religious training. In a case from Wisconsin, the justices will reconsider that approach and decide whether instead to require the states to defer to religious authorities. The appeal that will be heard argues the government may not "second-guess the religious decisions" of church authorities who seek an exemption. The dispute began with Black River Industries, Barron County Developmental Services and two other small nonprofit corporations that are funded by state or federal grants to provide services for people with developmental disabilities. They are now controlled by Catholic Charities that sued to seek an exemption from the unemployment taxes. Their lawyers argued those charitable programs are motivated by "sincerely held religious beliefs and to carry out the religious mission" of the church. Therefore, they said, it violates the Constitution to require Catholic Charities to pay unemployment taxes, noting the church has its own program of unemployment coverage. The Wisconsin Supreme Court disagreed in a 4-3 ruling and upheld the state taxes. It said the four programs were "charitable" and "educational," but not primarily religious. Lawyers for Becket Fund for Religious Liberty appealed and urged the court to overturn the Wisconsin ruling. The case comes before a high court that has repeatedly ruled in favor of religious claims over the last decade. In one line of cases, the justices said churches and religious claimants are entitled to equal state benefits, including grants to pay for playgrounds at a church school or tuition grants for parents to send children to religious schools. In another line of cases, they ruled religious organizations are freed from government regulation of their employees. Four years ago, for example, they ruled that two Catholic school teachers in Los Angeles who were fired could not sue alleging they were victims of discrimination. A year later, the court ruled that as a matter of religious freedom, Catholic Social Services had a right to participate in a city-sponsored foster care program in Philadelphia and receive payments for doing so, even though it refused to work with same-sex couples as required by the city. The court also ruled that private businesses such as the Hobby Lobby stores and church-sponsored entities had a religious liberty right to refuse to provide contraceptive coverage for their employees as required by federal law. In the Wisconsin case, a group of religious liberty scholars urged the court to rule the government must "defer" to church authorities in matters involving their organizations. "This case involves severe governmental interference with religious liberty that strikes at the heart of the 1st Amendment's most basic guarantees," they wrote in a friend-of-the-court brief . They said "courts must defer to how the religious group defines its message." The Catholic Conference of Illinois was among the church groups that urged the court to hear the case. Its brief noted that its bishops speak for 949 parishes, 46 Catholic hospitals, 21 health care centers, 11 colleges and universities, 424 schools and 527 Catholic cemeteries. The court is likely to schedule arguments in the Wisconsin case in March or April and issue a ruling by the end of June. "Wisconsin is trying to make sure no good deed goes unpunished," said Eric Rassbach, vice president and senior counsel at Becket. "Penalizing Catholic Charities for serving Catholics and non-Catholics alike is ridiculous and wrong. We are confident the Supreme Court will reject the Wisconsin Supreme Court's absurd ruling." ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit latimes.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.winner 777 casino 。

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Related Articles Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

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BOISE, Idaho — Freshman wide receiver George Dimopoulos threw a 25-yard touchdown pass to Dane Pardridge on the first play of double overtime and Jordan Hansen ended the game on a fourth-down sack to give Northern Illinois a 28-20 victory over Fresno State on Monday in the Idaho Potato Bowl. Dimopoulos, who played quarterback in high school, also converted the two-point conversion when he passed it to quarterback Josh Holst for his second completion of the season. Related Story: Holst, a freshman walk-on, was making just his third start at quarterback as NIU was without starter Ethan Hampton, who entered with 1,600 yards and 12 touchdowns to go with six interceptions. Holst completed 18 of 30 passes for 182 and two touchdowns for Northern Illinois (8-5). He was also intercepted on the first play of the game. Both teams missed a 35-yard field goal in the final three minutes of regulation, including Dylan Lynch’s third miss of the game on the final play to send it to overtime. Fresno State started overtime with a touchdown when Bryson Donelson was left wide open out of the backfield to haul in a 9-yard touchdown pass. NIU needed five plays, and a defensive holding penalty, to score as Holst found Grayson Barnes for a 3-yard touchdown. Related Story: Donelson finished with 15 carries for 82 yards and a touchdown for Fresno State (6-7). He added three catches for 28 yards and another score. Dual-threat quarterback Joshua Wood was 16 of 23 for 180 yards and a touchdown. Mac Dalena made six catches for 118 yards to help go over 1,000 yards for the season. Fresno State was without 14 players, including starting quarterback Mikey Keene after he transferred to Michigan. Two top-three receivers, Jalen Moss and Raylen Sharpe, also did not play as the Bulldogs were forced to use five new starters.Cadmium Appoints Sean Brady as CEO to Drive Next Phase of GrowthSabrina Ionescu is joining Unrivaled as the new 3-on-3 league's final player

NBA: Magic rally from 21 down to stun NetsIndian cricket star Nitish Kumar Reddy's dad meets the legendary Sunil Gavaskar at the MCG - and you won't believe what happens next Nitish Kumar Reddy's father met Sunil Gavaskar Had watched his son record his first Test ton By SHAYNE BUGDEN FOR DAILY MAIL AUSTRALIA Published: 02:12 GMT, 30 December 2024 | Updated: 02:12 GMT, 30 December 2024 e-mail View comments Indian cricket star Nitish Kumar Reddy's father has been captured on video bowing and touching the feet of all-time great Sunil Gavaskar in incredibly emotion-charged scenes at the Boxing Day Test. Mutalya Reddy had already had one of the best moments of his life at the MCG as he watched his son record his first Test century in India 's first innings - then he ran into one of the legends of the game behind the scenes. Reddy was accompanied by his wife and two of his other children when he met Gavaskar, who is now commentating for Channel Seven after a stellar playing career that saw him score more than 10,000 runs, captain his country and develop a reputation as one of the greatest opening batters ever. The clip shows Reddy senior taking Gavaskar's hands in his before he drops to his knees, holds his shoes and bows his head to the ground. Gavaskar initially and gently tries to stop him from bowing down, then holds Mutalya's hands and embraces him once he returns to his feet. Bowing before elders and touching their feet is a traditional sign of respect and admiration in India. Nitish Kumar Reddy's father Mutalya (left) is pictured meeting Indian cricket legend Sunil Gavaskar (right) at the MCG during the Boxing Day Test Nitish Kumar Reddy’s family meet the great Sunil Gavaskar @abcsport #AUSvIND pic.twitter.com/hUBOghxM2e — Ben Cameron (@BenCameron23) December 29, 2024 Mutalya (left) is pictured with his son, star Indian batter Nitish Kumar Reddy, who scored his maiden Test century against Australia at the MCG The uplifting moment bowled over cricket fans - but while the vast majority were left happy by the clip, some criticised Reddy's display. 'Truly heartwarming! A meeting between generations of cricketing excellence—Nitish’s family with the legend Sunil Gavaskar. Moments like these make cricket so special,' one wrote on X. 'Honor & respect true Indian traits...nowadays not seen too often,' another commented. 'What a beautiful family & such a great sporting story. They deserve all they can for the sacrifices they have made for Nitish. Love the respect they show. Shows they are truly grateful,' added another. 'What class and dignity from the family and Sunny. Says so much about this sport in India,' wrote 3AW radio star Neil Mitchell. However, others were not as impressed. 'Sunil Gavaskar and Kapil Dev along with the 83 world cup winning team is on a different pedestal for Cricket India. We love them and treasure them deep in our hearts. BUT to see NKR's father doing that, even out of deepest respect and Gavaskar accepting the same is "thoda nahi" - lots of over the top,' one fan wrote. 'Cricketers are men. Stop treating them like Gods,' another said. Gavaskar became emotional when he discussed Reddy's century after giving the youngster a standing ovation in the commentary booth. 'I'm pretty certain this is going to be the first of many hundreds,' Gavaskar said. 'What a find that this young man has been for Indian cricket. Superb innings, fantastic temperament. Gavaskar (pictured) was obviously touched by Reddy's gesture when they met The former Indian skipper couldn't praise Reddy enough after his first ton (pictured) helped his team turn the tide against the Aussies in Melbourne 'Fantastic stuff, young man. Keep going, keep going!' Reddy's maiden Test ton came from 171 balls, as he reached his milestone under gloomy skies with the threat of rain lingering. The talented 21-year-old was almost left stranded on 99, but No.11 Mohammed Siraj (2no) survived four tense deliveries from Australia captain Pat Cummins to allow him to regain the strike. After India had been still in danger of not reaching the follow-on target of 275 when they began day three on 5-164, Reddy and Washington Sundar took advantage of a flat pitch and a tiring Australian bowling attack. Reddy has been a revelation for India since debuting in the Border-Gavaskar series-opener in Perth. The regular No.8 was India's highest scorer for the series at the time of writing, with 284 runs at an average of 71 to begin his Test career. He is behind only Australian star Travis Head (409) for the most runs by any batter in the series. India Channel Seven Share or comment on this article: Indian cricket star Nitish Kumar Reddy's dad meets the legendary Sunil Gavaskar at the MCG - and you won't believe what happens next e-mail Add commentwashington — President Joe Biden on Monday announced that he is commuting the sentences of 37 of the 40 people on federal death row, converting their punishments to life imprisonment just weeks before President-elect Donald Trump , an outspoken proponent of expanding capital punishment, takes office. The move spares the lives of people convicted in killings , including the slayings of police and military officers, people on federal land and those involved in deadly bank robberies or drug deals, as well as the killings of guards or prisoners in federal facilities. The decision leaves three federal inmates to face execution. They are Dylann Roof, who carried out the 2015 racist slayings of nine Black members of Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina; 2013 Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev ; and Robert Bowers, who fatally shot 11 congregants at Pittsburgh’s Tree of life Synagogue in 2018 , the deadliest antisemitic attack in U.S history. “I’ve dedicated my career to reducing violent crime and ensuring a fair and effective justice system,” Biden said in a statement . “Today, I am commuting the sentences of 37 of the 40 individuals on federal death row to life sentences without the possibility of parole. These commutations are consistent with the moratorium my administration has imposed on federal executions, in cases other than terrorism and hate-motivated mass murder.” Reaction was strong, both for and against. A Trump spokesperson called the decision “abhorrent.” “These are among the worst killers in the world and this abhorrent decision by Joe Biden is a slap in the face to the victims, their families, and their loved ones.” said Trump spokesman Steven Cheung. “President Trump stands for the rule of law, which will return when he is back in the White House after he was elected with a massive mandate from the American people.” Heather Turner, whose mother was killed during the 2017 robbery of a Conway, South Carolina, bank, blasted the decision in a social media post, saying Biden didn’t consider the victims of these crimes. “The pain and trauma we have endured over the last 7 years has been indescribable,” Turner wrote on Facebook, describing weeks spent in court in search of justice as “now just a waste of time.” “Our judicial system is broken. Our government is a joke,” she said. “Joe Biden’s decision is a clear gross abuse of power. He, and his supporters, have blood on their hands.” Some of Roof’s victims supported Biden’s decision to leave him on death row. Michael Graham, whose sister Cynthia Hurd was killed by Roof, said Roof’s lack of remorse and simmering white nationalism in the U.S. means Roof is the kind of dangerous and evil person the death penalty is intended for. “This was a crime against a race of people who were doing something all Americans do on a Wednesday night — go to Bible study,” Graham said. “It didn’t matter who was there, only that they were Black.” The Biden administration in 2021 announced a moratorium on federal capital punishment to study the protocols used, which suspended executions during Biden’s term. But Biden actually had promised to go further on the issue in the past, pledging to end federal executions without the caveats for terrorism and hate-motivated, mass killings. While running for president in 2020, Biden’s campaign website said he would “work to pass legislation to eliminate the death penalty at the federal level , and incentivize states to follow the federal government’s example.” Similar language didn’t appear on Biden’s reelection website before he left the presidential race in July. “Make no mistake: I condemn these murderers, grieve for the victims of their despicable acts, and ache for all the families who have suffered unimaginable and irreparable loss,” Biden’s statement said. “But guided by my conscience and my experience as a public defender, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, vice president, and now president, I am more convinced than ever that we must stop the use of the death penalty at the federal level.” He took a political jab at Trump, saying, “In good conscience, I cannot stand back and let a new administration resume executions that I halted.” Trump, who takes office on Jan. 20, has spoken frequently of expanding executions. In a speech announcing his 2024 campaign , Trump called for those “caught selling drugs to receive the death penalty for their heinous acts.” He later promised to execute drug and human smugglers and even praised China’s harsher treatment of drug peddlers. During his first term as president, Trump also advocated for the death penalty for drug dealers . There were 13 federal executions during Trump’s first term, more than under any president in modern history, and some may have happened fast enough to have contributed to the spread of the coronavirus at the federal death row facility in Indiana. Those were the first federal executions since 2003. The final three occurred after Election Day in November 2020 but before Trump left office the following January, the first time federal prisoners were put to death by a lame-duck president since Grover Cleveland in 1889. Biden faced recent pressure from advocacy groups urging him to act to make it more difficult for Trump to increase the use of capital punishment for federal inmates. The president’s announcement also comes less than two weeks after he commuted the sentences of roughly 1,500 people who were released from prison and placed on home confinement during the COVID-19 pandemic, and of 39 others convicted of nonviolent crimes, the largest single-day act of clemency in modern history. The announcement also followed the post-election pardon that Biden granted his son Hunter on federal gun and tax charges after long saying he would not issue one, sparking an uproar in Washington. The pardon also raised questions about whether he would issue sweeping preemptive pardons for administration officials and other allies who the White House worries could be unjustly targeted by Trump’s second administration. Speculation that Biden could commute federal death sentences intensified last week after the White House announced he plans to visit Italy on the final foreign trip of his presidency next month. Biden, a practicing Catholic, will meet with Pope Francis, who recently called for prayers for U.S. death row inmates in hopes their sentences will be commuted. The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, which has long called for an end to the death penalty, said Biden’s decision is a “significant step in advancing the cause of human dignity in our nation” and moves the country “a step closer to building a culture of life.” Martin Luther King III, who publicly urged Biden to change the death sentences, said in a statement shared by the White House that the president “has done what no president before him was willing to do: take meaningful and lasting action not just to acknowledge the death penalty’s racist roots but also to remedy its persistent unfairness.” Madeline Cohen, an attorney for Norris Holder, who faced death for the 1997 fatal shooting of a guard during a bank robbery in St. Louis, said his case “exemplifies the racial bias and arbitrariness that led the President to commute federal death sentences,” Cohen said. Holder, who is Black, was sentenced by an all-white jury. Weissert reported from West Palm Beach, Florida. Associated Press writers Jeffrey Collins in Columbia, South Carolina, and Jim Salter in O’Fallon, Missouri, contributed to this report.

ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. — PGA Tour rookie Patrick Fishburn played bogey-free for an 8-under 64 for his first lead after any round. Joel Dahmen was 10 shots behind and had a bigger cause for celebration Friday in the RSM Classic. Dahmen made a 5-foot par putt on his final hole for a 2-under 68 in tough conditions brought on by the wind and cold, allowing him to make the cut on the number and get two more days to secure his PGA Tour card for next year. He is No. 124 in the FedEx Cup. "I still got more to write this weekend for sure," said Dahmen, who recently had said his story is not yet over. "But without having the opportunity to play this weekend, my story would be a lot shorter this year." Fishburn took advantage of being on the easier Plantation course, with trees blocking the brunt of the wind and two additional par 5s. He also was helped by Maverick McNealy, who opened with a 62 on the tougher Seaside course, making two bogeys late in his round and having to settle for a 70. Fishburn, who already has locked up his card for next year, was at 11-under 131 and led McNealy and Lee Hodges (63) going into the weekend. Michael Thorbjornsen had a 69 and was the only player who had to face Seaside on Friday who was among the top five. What mattered on this day, however, was far down the leaderboard. The RSM Classic is the final tournament of the PGA Tour season, and only the top 125 in the FedEx Cup have full status in 2025. That's more critical than ever with the tour only taking the top 100 for full cards after next season. Players like Dahmen will need full status to get as many playing opportunities as they can. That explains why he felt so much pressure on a Friday. He didn't make a bogey after his opening hole and was battling temperatures in the low 50s that felt even colder with the wind ripping off the Atlantic waters of St. Simons Sound. He made a key birdie on the 14th, hitting a 4-iron for his second shot on the 424-yard hole. Dahmen also hit wedge to 2 feet on the 16th that put him on the cut line, and from the 18th fairway, he was safely on the green some 40 feet away. But he lagged woefully short, leaving himself a testy 5-footer with his job on the line. "It was a great putt. I was very nervous," Dahmen said. "But there's still work to do. It wasn't the game-winner, it was like the half-court shot to get us to halftime. But without that, and the way I played today, I wouldn't have anything this weekend." His playing partners weren't so fortunate. The tour put three in danger of losing their cards in the same group — Zac Blair (No. 123), Dahmen and Wesley Bryan (No. 125). The cut was at 1-under 141. Blair and Bryan came to the 18th hole needing birdie to be assured of making the cut and both narrowly missed. Now they have to wait to see if anyone passes them, which is typically the case. Thorbjornsen in a tie for fourth and Daniel Berger (66 at Plantation) in a tie for 17th both were projected to move into the top 125. Dahmen, indeed, still has work to do. Fishburn gets a weekend to see if he can end his rookie year with a win. "I've had a lot of experience playing in cold growing up in Utah, playing this time of year, kind of get used to playing when the body's not moving very well and you've got to move your hands," said Fishburn, who played college golf at BYU. "Just pretty happy with how I played." Ludvig Aberg, the defending champion and No. 5 player in the world competing for the first time in more than two months because of knee surgery, bounced back with a 64 on Plantation and was back in the mix. Aberg played with Luke Clanton, the Florida State sophomore who looks like he belongs each week. Clanton, the No. 1 player in the world amateur ranking who received a sponsor exemption, had a 65 at Plantation and was two shots off the lead. Clanton already has a runner-up and two other top 10s since June. "Playing with him, it's pretty awesome to watch," Clanton said. "We were kind of fanboying a little it. I know he's a really good dude but to be playing with him and to see what he's done over the last couple years, it's pretty inspirational." Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!